德懷特‧D‧艾森豪威爾告別演說
( Dwight D.
Eisenhower
Farewell Address ) ,l961.1.l7.
l961年1月l7日，在他離開總統職位前，
Three days
from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down
the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the
authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. . . .
We now
stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major
wars among great nations. Three of them involved our own country. Despite these
holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most
productive nation in the world.
Understandably proud of this pre-eminence we yet realize that America's
leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress,
riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of
world peace and human betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been
to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance
liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for
less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to
arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict
upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.
Progress
toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now
engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings.
We face a hostile ideology－global
in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method.
Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it
successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory
sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward
steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex
struggle－with
liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our
charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment. ...
A vital
element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be
mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted
to risk his own destruction.
Our
military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my
predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or
Korea.
Until the
latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry.
American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as
well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense;
we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast
proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly
engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security
more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This
conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is
new in the American experience. The total influence－ economic, political,
even spiritual－ is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the
federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet
we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and
livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the
councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted
influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The
potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must
never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic
processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable
citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military
machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and
liberty may prosper together.
Akin to,
and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military
posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this
revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized,
complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the
direction of, the federal government....
The
prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project
allocations, and the power of money is ever present － and is gravely to be
regarded.
Yet, in
holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also
be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become
the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
It is the
task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other
forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system－ ever aiming
toward the supreme goals of our free society.
Another
factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into
society's future, we－ you and I, and our government－ must avoid the impulse to
live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious
resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our
grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual
heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to
become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
Down the
long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of
ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and
hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a
confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference
table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral,
economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past
frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative.
Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with
intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I
confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a
definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the
lingering sadness of war－ as one who knows that another war could utterly
destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over
thousands of years－ I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily,
I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal
has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall
never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road. .
. .
我們必須警惕軍事──工業聯合體取得無法證明為正當的影響力，
德懷特‧D‧艾森豪威爾(1890一1969)先是在第二次世界
第二次世界大戰後，他作為一名婦孺皆知的英雄凱旋而歸，
l 961年1月l 7日，在他離開總統職位前，艾森豪威爾作告別演說。
再過三天，在我為我國服務半個世紀之後，
我們現在的日期距本世紀中點已過十年，
縱觀美國在自由政府體制上的探索歷程，
走向這些崇高目標的進程一直受到現在正席捲全球的衝突的威脅。
我們的軍隊是維護和平必不可少的要素。
我們今天的軍事組織與我的任何一位和平時期前任所瞭解的，
直至最近的一次世界性衝突之前、美國仍沒有軍事工業。
一支龐大的軍隊和一個大規模軍事工業相結合，
近幾十年的技術革命與我們的工業─
在這場技術革命中，研究工作已趨於集中；它也變得更正規，
由聯邦政府僱用而形成支配全國學者的局面，以及統一分配專案，
我們應該尊重科學研究和探索，
展望有待書寫的未來歷史長卷，
這樣一個聯盟必定是平等國家間的聯盟。
以相互尊敬和信任實行裁軍仍是一項迫切任務。
幸好我可以說，已經避免發生戰爭了。
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